AfD on migration and integration

The AfD wants to make German the mandatory language in Saxon daycare centers and limit children who do not speak German to at most 10 percent per group. Children from families without long-term prospects of staying are to be cared for separately by native speakers where needed. The party justifies this with the language development of all children.

German should be required in daycare centers in Saxony. In a group, at most one child in ten should not speak German. Some families may not stay for good. Their children should go to separate centers. There they are cared for in their own language.

Under the platform, daycare centers are to make sure all children who will live in Germany permanently learn German well. The 10 percent cap applies to each daycare group. For children without long-term prospects of staying, the party envisions separate facilities with care in their language of origin so that they face no disadvantages on returning. The AfD sees caring for these children as primarily the parents' task.

The AfD calls for a headscarf ban in schools and daycare centers and wants to keep political Islam from gaining influence there. Children with no prospect of staying would be prepared in school for returning to their country of origin. According to the platform, migration comes at the expense of native students.

The AfD wants to ban headscarves in schools and daycare centers. Muslim children should take part in swimming and sports. Some children are not allowed to stay in Germany. School should prepare them for going back.

Muslim students would have to take part in sports and swimming lessons. The AfD sees cafeterias that serve only halal food as a sign of Islamization and opposes them. The platform argues that migrant children worsen the teacher shortage and, due to poor language skills, slow down other students. For children with no prospect of staying, schooling is meant to bridge the time until their return.

The AfD wants to move available riot police units to Saxony's border area and use every lawful police measure to stop unauthorized entry. Claims for protection would be screened before entry is allowed. People arriving from a safe third country would be refused entry.

The AfD wants to send more police to the border. Nobody should enter without permission. Officials should check before entry whether a person needs protection. Only then may the person come in.

All riot police units in Saxony that are not tied up elsewhere would be stationed near the border. Entry and an asylum procedure would follow only after a positive preliminary check. For arrivals from safe third countries, the platform points to Section 18(2) of the Asylum Act and demands refusal of entry. Organizations that directly or indirectly support unauthorized migration would lose all public funding. Foreign smugglers would face a permanent entry ban and, where applicable, lose their residence permits.

The AfD wants Saxony to stop taking in further asylum seekers, arguing that municipalities are overwhelmed by the numbers assigned to them. Local governments would get a say in housing decisions. Voluntary admission programs would end, and asylum applications would be decided in centers abroad.

The AfD wants Saxony to take in no new asylum seekers. It says towns can no longer cope. Towns should have a say in housing them. Asylum requests should be checked in other countries.

The platform justifies the halt by pointing to expensive or poor housing such as hotels, containers, gyms and tents, and to strained social peace in residential areas and small towns. Saxon municipalities are promised a real say in where people are housed. The AfD backs protection centers outside Germany where asylum applications are reviewed and decided quickly. Saxony would give up voluntary admissions such as resettlement programs, and state law would be changed accordingly.

The AfD wants deportations enforced more consistently at state and federal level, especially for people deemed security threats, criminal offenders and those who refuse to integrate. Criminal courts would be able to revoke residence permits and order deportation directly. Dublin cases would be returned to the responsible countries.

The AfD wants to deport more people. That means they must leave Germany. Criminal courts should be allowed to order a deportation themselves. This should apply above all to offenders.

Criminal courts would be allowed to revoke a residence permit or protection status and to order deportation and detention pending deportation. The maximum permitted length of deportation detention and departure custody would be used in full, and people who do not cooperate in the asylum procedure could face coercive measures. In the AfD's view, supporters of terrorism, violent and sexual offenders, repeat offenders and smugglers have forfeited their right to stay. At federal level, the Saxon AfD wants Dublin III cases left unprocessed and transferred within the six-month deadline. Obstacles in destination countries would be removed through diplomatic pressure, and more countries would be classified as safe countries of origin.

The AfD wants asylum seekers and people with tolerated status to receive benefits in kind rather than cash, without exception, and to be tied to an assigned place of residence. It argues that cash benefits attract poverty migration and are misused. Those without a regular job would have to do community work.

Asylum seekers should no longer get cash. They should get things like food and clothes directly. They should not be free to leave their assigned area. People without a job should do work for the community.

The residence requirement, meaning the duty to stay in an assigned area, would be written into federal law in a strict form backed by penalties. Asylum shelters in Saxony would have mandatory checks on entering and leaving. The AfD wants to draw more heavily than now on applicants' cash and valuables to help pay for their upkeep. Both asylum seekers and recognized refugees without regular employment would be required to do community work.

The AfD wants to house asylum applicants and people with tolerated status centrally in transfer centers, separated by religion and supervised by the state interior ministry. The number of places for deportation detention and departure custody there would rise to at least 350. Children required to leave would be taught inside the centers.

Asylum seekers should live in large central shelters. The AfD calls them transfer centers. People there should live separated by religion. There should be at least 350 places for deportation detention.

The centers would consist of several easily secured properties near metropolitan areas but outside their cores. Agencies such as the BAMF (federal migration office), youth welfare office and employment agency would provide benefits in kind and necessary basic medical care there. Tolerated persons and applicants would live separately in order, as the platform sees it, to avoid tensions and security problems. Children and teenagers who must leave or have little prospect of staying would be taught in the centers to ease their return to the school system of their home country. Mandatory pre-vocational courses are planned for teenagers.

The AfD wants to fund only protection and basic provision for people with subsidiary protection, those required to leave and those with tolerated status, because in the party's view they must soon leave the country. State-funded integration measures for them would largely end. The age of unaccompanied minors would be carefully determined.

Some people may stay in Germany only for a short time. The AfD wants to pay only for their basic needs. They should not get integration courses. Young refugees without parents should have their age checked.

According to the platform, these groups have no claim to social benefits and do not need to be integrated. They would contribute to the costs according to their means and, if unable to support themselves, receive room and board in departure centers. Instead of integration courses, education and work offers in and around the transfer centers are planned to prepare people for return, such as lessons in their native language. Age assessment is meant to limit the higher spending to those who are actually minors, with biological age being decisive. Minors would preferably be reunited with their families in the home country or wherever the relatives are staying.

The AfD calls for a fundamental reform of federal asylum and immigration law. The right to asylum in the Basic Law would be replaced by an ordinary statute, and immigration would be based solely on need. The party rejects switching from the asylum track to regular immigration.

Today the right to asylum is in Germany's constitution. The AfD wants to remove it from there. It should only be in a normal law. Only people Germany needs should be allowed to immigrate.

According to the platform, the reform is meant to limit abuse and counter a loss of state control. The AfD wants to start a broad debate on asylum and immigration law based on the Geneva Refugee Convention. It sees asylum as temporary protection that must be kept clearly separate from immigration. It rejects the so-called Spurwechsel (track change) and the Chancen-Aufenthaltsrecht (a residence path for long-tolerated people). Immigrants would be selected by qualification, cultural and religious fit, and willingness to integrate and work.

The AfD opposes the continued lowering of requirements for German citizenship. In its view, citizenship must not be used to cover up a lack of willingness to integrate. Naturalized dual nationals who support terrorism would lose their German citizenship again.

The AfD does not want to make the German passport easier to get. It is against lower requirements. Some people have two passports and support terrorism. They should lose the German passport.

The Saxon AfD takes a stand against lowering the requirements for naturalization. In its view, citizenship must not serve to hide problems it attributes to mass migration. It wants to push at federal level for stripping citizenship from naturalized supporters of terrorism who hold a second passport.