What do the parties in Bremen say on finance and taxes?

The BIW wants to comply with the debt brake without exceptions and rejects the new borrowing planned by the state government. Unexpected tax windfalls should go entirely toward debt reduction to lower interest costs.

Bremen has very high debt. The BIW wants no new debt. The debt brake should apply strictly. This is a rule that limits new loans. Extra tax money should pay off old debt.

The BIW wants public money used more efficiently and waste reduced. To that end, the state audit office and local audit offices should get more powers and be involved in planning large projects from the start.

The BIW wants Bremen to be careful with tax money. Auditors should check big projects early. Offices should buy things together to get discounts. Citizens and staff should send in ideas for saving money. Good ideas get a reward.

The BIW wants a coordinated program across all government departments to get more people to move to Bremen. More residents are meant to raise purchasing power and the state's tax revenue.

The BIW wants more people to live in Bremen. There should be a program for this. It is aimed mostly at commuters from Lower Saxony. More residents mean more tax money for the state.

The BIW wants Bremen to push in the Bundesrat for a different way of distributing commuters' wage and income tax. It also wants the local business tax replaced by a larger municipal share of other taxes.

Many people work in Bremen but live in Lower Saxony. Their wage tax goes to the place where they live. The BIW wants Bremen to get part of it. The local business tax should go away. Cities should get more from other taxes instead.

The BIW wants to review the state's more than 200 shareholdings for usefulness and profitability and sell them where it makes sense. Proceeds should pay down debt and fund investment; public housing is excluded from any sale.

The state of Bremen owns shares in more than 200 companies. The BIW wants to check if this is worth it. The state should sell some of these shares. The money should pay off debt and fund investments. Homes owned by the public housing companies should not be sold.

In talks on the national port strategy, the CDU wants the federal government to raise its financial compensation for seaports and adjust it regularly in the future. The coastal states are also to coordinate their port policies more closely.

The federal government pays the states money for seaports. This amount has been the same since 2005. The CDU wants the federal government to pay more. The amount should rise regularly in the future. The coastal states should work together more closely.

The CDU wants to use a subsidy program to waive the real estate transfer tax for families who buy a home in 2024 and 2025. The same is to apply to buyers of older buildings in need of renovation. The platform cites higher interest rates and building costs and calls home ownership the best retirement provision.

People who buy a house pay a tax. It is called the real estate transfer tax. The CDU wants to waive this tax for families in 2024 and 2025. This should also apply to buyers of old houses that need repairs. More families should be able to afford a home.

The CDU wants to review every item of spending in Bremen's budget and make day-to-day administration more frugal. Residents would be able to submit savings proposals and share in the results.

The CDU wants to check all of Bremen's spending. Bremen should be more careful with money. People should send in ideas for saving. If an idea saves money, they get a share.

The CDU wants no tax increases in Bremen and a freeze on fee increases. Through relief for the middle class and for young families buying homes in need of renovation, it aims to counter out-migration and strengthen the tax base through growing cities.

The CDU does not want to raise taxes. Fees should not go up either. Young families should pay less tax when they buy a home that needs a lot of repair. This should keep more families in Bremen.

The CDU wants to stick to the Schuldenbremse (constitutional debt brake) and keep new borrowing to a minimum. It cites fairness between generations and interest payments of about 550 million euros a year, which it says limit the state's room to act.

The CDU wants to keep the debt brake. This is a rule: the state should take on almost no new debt. Bremen pays about 550 million euros in interest every year. The CDU wants young people to still have money for important things later.

The CDU wants to stop the planned drawdown of the pension reserve of roughly 500 million euros. The fund would become a sustainability fund investing in safe, environmentally friendly assets.

Bremen has saved money for the pensions of its civil servants. It is about 500 million euros. The CDU wants to keep this money. It should go into safe and green investments.

The CDU wants spending priorities on education, transport and infrastructure, the economy, and police and justice. It wants to counter disproportionate growth in social spending and end across-the-board cuts.

The CDU wants to spend money mainly on certain areas. These are education, transport, the economy, police, and courts. Social spending should not grow so fast. The CDU no longer wants to cut the same amount everywhere.

The CDU wants regular checks on whether public spending and grants to projects are necessary and meet their goals. It also wants projects delivered faster, private service providers more involved, and federal and EU funding used more fully.

The CDU wants to check whether public money has an effect. Projects should show with numbers what they achieve. Bremen should plan and build faster. Bremen should also get more funding from the federal government and from Europe.

The CDU wants to replace the federal property tax model with Lower Saxony's area-and-location model, which it considers simpler and fairer. Municipal multipliers would be set so that revenue stays the same and would not be raised afterward.

Property tax is paid on land and houses. The CDU thinks the new way of calculating it is too complicated. It wants to use the rules from Lower Saxony. Overall, the tax should not go up.

The FDP wants to lower the Gewerbesteuer (local business tax) in both cities of the state. The aim is to relieve companies that, according to the platform, are struggling with the energy crisis and labor shortages, and to protect jobs.

Companies pay a tax to their city. The FDP wants to lower this tax in Bremen and Bremerhaven. This should help companies stay. New companies should also come.

The FDP wants the state and both of its cities to comply with the Schuldenbremse (debt brake) and take on no new debt. It justifies this with interest costs of more than 500 million euros a year and with fairness between generations. Spending should be reviewed, and investment in education, the economy and infrastructure should come first.

The FDP wants no new debt for Bremen. Bremen pays over 500 million euros in interest every year. The FDP wants to pay back old debt. Money should go first to education, the economy and roads. Bremen should use more funding from the EU and the federal government.

The FDP wants to review all of Bremen's holdings and municipal enterprises and sell those that, in its view, do not need to be in public hands. The general coverage of losses for holdings should end, and all holdings and grants should be disclosed. Public services should not be brought under public ownership where private providers perform them well.

Bremen owns many companies in whole or in part. The FDP wants to review all of them. The state should sell what it does not need. The money should go to investment or paying down debt. The state should no longer cover these companies' losses across the board.

The FDP wants citizens to be able to choose freely how they pay at state and city offices, without disadvantages or extra costs. Cash should remain a general means of payment. The party rejects caps on cash payments and demands that public offices at every level be required to accept cash.

The FDP wants people to choose freely how to pay at public offices. They should be able to pay by card, digitally or in cash. Cash should stay. The FDP is against a limit on cash payments. Public offices should have to accept cash.

The FDP wants the city of Bremerhaven to stop running the Bad Bederkesa school camp and the Wüstewohlde youth hostel itself. Where possible, nonprofit or private operators should take them over. The platform cites operating losses and a risk to the city budget.

Bremerhaven owns a school camp and a youth hostel outside the city. The FDP wants the city to give up both. Other operators should take them over. The FDP says the two houses cost the city too much money.

The FDP wants to change how Germany collects import value-added tax. The model is the offset system used in other EU countries, where the tax is settled later through the advance VAT return. According to the platform, the current procedure ties up liquidity and creates administrative costs.

Companies pay a tax when they bring in goods from outside the EU. In Germany they must pay right away. The FDP wants to change that. Companies should be able to settle the tax later, as in other EU countries.

The FDP wants to abolish the dog tax. It considers the tax arbitrary and argues that the cost of collecting this minor tax is out of proportion to the revenue.

People who own a dog pay a tax today. The FDP wants to end this tax. It thinks the tax is unfair. To the FDP a dog is not a luxury but part of the family.

The Greens stand by the debt brake because, in their view, Bremen has seen how a heavy debt burden shrinks room to act. For investments in climate neutrality and sustainability, they still want to borrow within narrow limits and reach agreement on this with the federal government and the other states. They reject selling public property.

The Greens want to keep the debt brake. That is a rule against too much new debt. They still want to borrow some money for climate protection. The federal government and the other states should agree to this. Bremen should not sell public property.

The Greens want to push in the Bundesrat for heavier taxation of very large fortunes, financial gains, and large inheritances, and for tougher action against tax evasion. According to the platform, financial gains are currently taxed less than work, and the very rich should contribute more to the community.

The Greens want very rich people to pay more taxes. This applies to large fortunes, large inheritances, and gains from investments. People who cheat on taxes should be caught more often. Tax offices should be well equipped for this.

The Greens want to pay for the climate goals set by Bremen's climate inquiry commission with federal and third-party funds and, under certain conditions, also use an exception to the Schuldenbremse (debt brake). The platform says the state budget alone cannot cover this at the necessary pace.

Climate protection costs a lot of money. The Greens say Bremen's budget is not enough for it. They want to get money from the federal government and other sources. Under certain conditions, they also want to allow new debt.

The Left wants to keep paying for climate action after 2027 through a debt-financed climate fund, using the exemption clause of the debt brake. It also wants to amend the state constitution so that the cities of Bremen and Bremerhaven can take out loans again.

Climate action costs a lot of money. The Left wants a climate fund paid for with loans. The debt brake limits new debt. The fund should get an exception. The two cities should also be allowed to borrow again.

The Left wants to replace Ehegattensplitting (joint tax splitting for spouses) with individual taxation and a transferable basic allowance. Mini-jobs should become jobs with social insurance coverage. In the party's view, current tax law entrenches traditional gender roles at the expense of women's employment.

Married couples pay taxes together today. This is called spousal splitting. The Left wants to change that. Each person should be taxed alone. Mini-jobs should become jobs with social insurance.

The Left wants to remove the debt brake from Germany's Basic Law and from Bremen's state constitution. Until then, declared emergencies are to allow borrowing for climate action and the fallout of the energy price crisis.

The debt brake mostly bans the state from taking on new debt. The Left wants to abolish this rule. Bremen should be able to borrow for climate protection. It should also borrow to help with high energy prices.

The Left wants to gradually dissolve the assets of the Anstalt für Versorgungsvorsorge (AVV, Bremen's civil service pension reserve) and invest them. Public companies are to be used more for loan-financed investment, and new public property created.

Bremen keeps money in a reserve for pensions. The Left wants to spend this money step by step. It should improve schools and other buildings. The city should own more buildings and apartments itself.

The Left calls for a wealth tax of one percent on assets above one million euros and a wealth levy of at least ten percent on private financial assets above two million euros. Since borrowing is not a permanent solution, large fortunes are to contribute more.

The Left wants a tax on large fortunes. People with more than one million euros should pay one percent. Very rich people should pay an extra levy too. The money should reduce inequality.

The Left wants to tax companies' profit surges resulting from the war in Ukraine at 50 percent and introduce a digital tax for large internet corporations. The tax administration is to get more staff.

Some companies made much more profit because of the war. The Left wants to take half of that as tax. Big internet firms should pay tax where they earn money. Tax offices should get more staff.

The Left wants to reform income tax so that small and medium incomes pay less and very high incomes pay more. Tax breaks on inheriting company shares are to end, and value-added tax on staple foods is to fall to zero.

People with low or middle incomes should pay less tax. Very rich people should pay more. People who inherit large company shares should pay tax on them. Bread and other basic foods should have no value-added tax.

The SPD wants to introduce Grundsteuer C in Bremen, a higher property tax on undeveloped land that is ready for building. In the Bundesrat, it wants gains from selling residential property not used by the owner to always be taxed. Investors in large projects are to share infrastructure costs.

Some people buy land and leave it empty. They wait for prices to go up. The SPD wants a special tax for that. Profits from selling rented homes should always be taxed too. Big investors should help pay for roads and similar things.

The SPD backs the federal coalition's plans for a "family taxation" model. It considers Ehegattensplitting (joint tax splitting for married couples) outdated because it discourages married women from working.

Married couples often pay less tax today. This is called spousal splitting. The SPD says it leads many women to work little or not at all. So it supports a new family tax model at the federal level.

The SPD rejects a return to the pre-COVID policy of budget consolidation, arguing that climate action and the expansion of schools and daycare could not be managed that way. Instead, public companies are to take on more tasks that the regular budget cannot cover alone under the Schuldenbremse (debt brake).

Bremen needs a lot of money for climate action, schools and daycare. The debt brake limits new debt in the budget. So the SPD wants to use public companies more. They should help pay for big building projects.

The SPD wants Bremen to make the fullest possible use of federal and EU funding programs for the climate-friendly transformation. Government departments are to get better at identifying programs and securing money. At the federal level, it wants co-financing requirements that do not overburden financially weak states.

The federal government and the EU give money for climate-friendly change. The SPD wants Bremen to get a lot of it. Government offices should get better at applying for this money. Poor states should not have to pay too much themselves.

The SPD wants to increase the population of Bremen and Bremerhaven because a large share of the state's tax revenue depends on it. Bonuses for first-time residence registration are to rise, and political decisions should not encourage people to move away.

Bremen gets more money when more people live there. So the SPD wants to attract new residents. People who register in Bremen or Bremerhaven for the first time should get a higher bonus. Students and trainees in particular should register there.

The SPD criticizes the debt brake and wants to examine what unused leeway it offers for important projects. It is open to exempting the two cities from Bremen's debt brake and backs emergency loans for climate action and the consequences of recent crises.

The debt brake limits new government debt. The SPD thinks this rule is too strict. It wants to check where Bremen can still borrow money. The cities of Bremen and Bremerhaven could be exempted from the rule. Then there would be more money for schools, daycare and roads.

The SPD wants to keep pressing the federal government and the other states for a solution to legacy debt. It justifies this with the burdens that Bremen's contribution to tackling the climate crisis and other crises entails.

Bremen has a lot of old debt. The SPD wants the federal government and the other states to help with it. It will keep pushing for this. Debt that the state took over from its cities should also count.

The SPD wants to steer additional funds mainly into building, modernizing and equipping schools and daycare centers and into the recommendations of the climate commission (Klima-Enquete). Projects that cut a lot of CO2, strengthen the economy and bring in outside funding get preference.

The SPD wants to spend extra money on schools and daycare first. New buildings should be built and old ones modernized. The second big goal is climate protection. Public buildings should use less energy. Projects that bring in outside money come first.

The SPD wants to push at the federal level for a tax system in which those with greater means contribute more. It pursues taxation of wealth and inheritances, a higher top income tax rate and a financial transaction tax, and backs EU efforts to tax international corporations.

The SPD wants rich people to pay more taxes. This concerns high incomes, large fortunes and inheritances. Trades on financial markets should also be taxed. Big international companies should pay more taxes. The SPD pushes for this at the federal level and in the EU.

The SPD calls for a burden-sharing scheme for the fallout from the Covid crisis and the war in Ukraine, similar to the one after World War II. A windfall profits tax is to skim off profits that, in the party's view, companies made in the crises without earning them.

The crises cost many people money. But some companies earned a great deal in the crises. The SPD wants to balance this out. It wants a windfall profits tax. That is a tax on especially high crisis profits.

The SPD wants to ensure efficient tax collection in Bremen and staff the tax offices with enough auditors. It regards tax fraud as a crime that weakens trust in the rule of law.

Some people do not pay their taxes honestly. The SPD calls this a crime. It wants tax offices to have enough auditors. That way the state can collect taxes better.